![]() (In a sense, Beijing feels the same way Washington would if a potential adversary had troops stationed in Canada and Mexico.) Chinese leaders have come to see the chain of American bases and alliances in the region as a cage containing the country’s rightful rise as Asia’s premier power. Today, however, General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party Xi Jinping claims that China’s model of modernization is an alternative to “Westernization,” not a prime example of its benefits. security system in Asia, which ensured the regional stability that made possible the income-boosting flows of trade and investment that propelled the country’s economic miracle. China has arguably been the biggest beneficiary of the U.S. T he fact that Washington faces such a dilemma is an unfortunate irony. have the fortitude to preserve its leadership in Asia? Or will it lose out to a more determined China? ![]() The balance of power in the Pacific will, in the end, be determined as much by political will as by weapons systems. As China’s military might mounts, Washington will need to commit ever greater resources to maintain American primacy. Sam Roggeveen, a former senior strategic analyst at Australia’s top intelligence agency, says that China’s leaders are banking on the United States to “eventually reduce its commitment to its allies in Asia, and at that point China will have a force available … to exploit that gap, and China itself becomes the dominant power.”Ĭhina’s ascent as a military power is therefore concerning not only because of the near-term risk of conflict over Taiwan, but also because it raises fundamental questions about America’s role in the region and the world. Washington would then struggle to sustain the region’s liberal order against intensifying Chinese pressure.īeijing may be counting on exactly this. A shifting balance of military power in the region could strain American alliances by raising doubts about Washington’s ability or willingness to protect its Pacific partners. American military dominance in the western Pacific has underpinned the American economic and security system in East Asia. Hopefully, such predictions will remain hypothetical, because a war with China would be a catastrophe for both sides, win or lose.īut war is not the only concern. Air Force general, arguing that war with China could erupt in 2025. A leaked memo recently grabbed headlines with a quote from Michael Minihan, a U.S. That is no longer the case, as tensions have been rising over the status of Taiwan. and China could come to blows in the near term seemed far-fetched. As China’s relationship with Russia deepens, Washington must also worry about fighting two nuclear powers simultaneously on opposite sides of the world.Ī few years ago, the possibility that the U.S. has not confronted a potential adversary that is so close a peer in military strength or industrial capacity since the fall of the Soviet Union, in 1991, and has not actually fought one since it battled the Axis powers in World War II. The implications for American security and global influence are immense. “We should regard ourselves in a dead-heat race against an incredibly formidable competitor and take nothing for granted.” deputy assistant secretary of defense, told me. and its allies,” Elbridge Colby, a co-founder of the Marathon Initiative, a policy-research organization, and a former U.S. and China in Asia is “very delicate and trending in an unfavorable direction in this decade for the U.S. military’s presence in the region, having marshaled its newly acquired wealth and technological prowess to expand the scale and capabilities of its armed forces. Today China is on the verge of matching or even eclipsing the U.S. ![]() ahead-of-print.E ver since the defeat of Japan in World War II nearly 80 years ago, the United States has been the preeminent military power in East Asia. (2022), "Understanding lurking behavior on enterprise social media: the perspective of the transactional model of stress", International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy, Vol. This work was supported by the Sichuan Provincial Key Laboratory of Service Science and Innovation in China (Award Number: KL2215), Science and Technology Project of Sichuan Province (Award Number: 2022JDR0074) and The National Social Science Fund of China (Award Number: 20XGL018). This research contributes to the literature on techno-stressors, lurking and ESM and hopefully contributes to the growing dialog about the consequences of lurking in the workplace. This article examines the antecedents of lurking by considering Zhongyong thinking and explores how lurking on ESM influences emotional exhaustion.
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